The network that Ursula built

BERLIN — Bilderberg. Davos. Munich. Name a gathering of global elites and chances are high that the guest list includes the name Ursula von der Leyen.

Over the years, the German defense minister and now nominee for the presidency of the European Commission has quietly built an extensive international network in politics and business — connections that won her the nod for the EU’s top job and that will prove crucial as she seeks confirmation from the European Parliament next week.

Meetings like the World Economic Forum (von der Leyen serves on the organization’s board of trustees) are often criticized for their exclusivity, fueling fantastic theories that a cabal of secretive “globalists” rules the world. In reality, the gatherings are little more than glorified cocktail parties, where invitees get to know one another over small talk about global crises.

They may be easy to mock, but for the world’s up-and-coming, the global cocktail circuit is invaluable. It is in this rarefied sphere that von der Leyen built her international reputation. Whether in French, German or English, the would-be Commission president’s greatest skill may be that she knows how to work a room.

“She’s an extremely gifted communicator, and that has gotten her quite far,” said a liberal German political rival with more than a hint of envy. A senior Green added that von der Leyen’s fluency in French has helped her establish a rapport with the French political class that is unrivaled in Berlin.

Von der Leyen got an early start. Socializing in Brussels’ diplomatic circuit, she grew up surrounded by the kind of powerful men who dominate European politics to this day. Her own father, Ernst Albrecht, the powerful premier of Lower Saxony for more than a decade, was among them.

“She grew up as the child of a successful politician, and she’s very much like her father, very formal, very status-oriented,” said John Kornblum, a former U.S. ambassador to Germany, who knows von der Leyen and also dealt with her father.

Though von der Leyen is now emphasizing her roots in Brussels, she is very much a product of what Germans call Bildungsbürgertum, the educated upper class that has dominated the country’s cultural and political affairs for centuries.

Being German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s longest-serving minister hasn’t hurt either. Von der Leyen’s longevity in the upper echelons of Europe’s most important national government has helped put her on a first-name basis with everyone from current European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker to French President Emmanuel Macron.

She’s also forged close ties to powerful figures outside the world of politics, most notably Bertelsmann, Europe’s largest media company, which owns RTL, the Continent’s largest commercial broadcaster, book publisher Random House and a stable of magazines. Bertelsmann matriarch Liz Mohn, whom von der Leyen recently described as a “shining light and role model,” is a personal friend.

Bertelsmann’s backing has been crucial in furthering the careers of a number of prominent EU politicians and officials, including Juncker and the Commission’s secretary-general, Martin Selmayr.

After successful runs as families minister and then labor minister — the portfolio with by far the richest budget in Germany — von der Leyen was widely regarded as the second-most powerful woman in the country and lionized in the press as the government’s “PR star.”

Wherever she traveled, von der Leyen was considered to be the chancellor’s unofficial emissary, a calling card that opened many doors and that made her a sought-after interlocutor, especially for those seeking a backchannel to the German leader.

Following the surprise resignation of German President Horst Köhler in 2010, von der Leyen was rumored to be the front-runner to replace him. Though Merkel ultimately settled on another candidate (Christian Wulff, who later resigned in disgrace), from then on, the consensus in Berlin was that von der Leyen was bound for greater things.

Indeed, many observers are convinced that von der Leyen’s popularity is why Merkel, who is famous for dispatching potential rivals, handed her the defense ministry in 2014. Few leaders of the Bendlerblock, as the ministry is known in Berlin, have survived their tenure with their careers intact.

Whether it was part of Merkel’s masterplan or not, until last week it looked like von der Leyen, who in six years as defense minister has failed to revive the moribund Bundeswehr, was entering her political twilight. Once considered a leading candidate to succeed Merkel, she wasn’t even in the running when the Christian Democratic Union elected a new party leader last year.

It’s thanks to her international network that her political career is still alive. At the press conference announcing her nomination by the European Council, even Merkel appeared surprised.

Von der Leyen’s domestic record appears to have played no role whatsoever in the deliberations. “What matters most in these circles is the personal connection,” said an adviser to the leader of one of the EU’s smaller member states.

Ever polite and good-natured, “Ursula” — as von der Leyen is known in international circles — is steadfast in avoiding confrontation, say those who have dealt with her closely.

The perception of von der Leyen as a neutral player, her affiliation with Merkel notwithstanding, helps explain why her name, put forward by Macron, sailed through the previously divided Council in a matter of hours.

Indeed, von der Leyen’s troubles at home, where she faces accusations of mismanagement and cronyism at the defense ministry, pale in comparison to what confronted Juncker around the time of his nomination.

A spy scandal in Luxembourg had ended Juncker’s long streak as prime minister just a year before the 2014 European election. Yet in the end, neither that scandal, nor revelations about Juncker’s role in running Luxembourg’s dubious corporate tax system, halted his ascent to the EU’s top political office.

And unlike Juncker, von der Leyen is universally liked — at least among those who count.

“Despite her weak reputation in the defense ministry, she’s known as a competent and forward-thinking politician,” said Kornblum. “So she has the kind of skills the EU really needs.”

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